Venezuela’s democratic crisis deepens

The presidential elections in Venezuela in which incumbent Nicolas Maduro had emerged victorious, and there was a cry from the opposition candidate, Edmundo Gonzalez, and the supporters that the election was unfair, and that victory belonged to Fernandez. The courts have declared Maduro’s election to be valid.

Earlier, in the run-up to the election, Maria Corino Machado, who was the presidential candidate, was disqualified by the courts from contesting. The decision raised eyebrows. And the opposition replaced her with Gonzalez. There is deep suspicion that the Maduro regime was running an unhappy system, and almost outlawing opponents.

Even as protests broke out against Maduro’s victory, Gonzalez was threatened with prison. It was at this point that he signed on a document acknowledging the victory of Maduro. The government gave an assurance that Gonzalez’s daughter and children who remain in the country, would be safe. Gonzalez, who is now in Madrid, and who has been meeting Spanish leaders and explaining to them the situation at home, said that he signed the documents saying that he was doing so under protest.

Democracies all over the world are passing through a phase when its legitimacy is being questioned. The election process, especially under some rulers, seem to fail the credibility test even when there is a clear victor as it has happened in Venezuela. The Maduro government just failed to impress that it has not only conducted fair elections but it has failed to prove that it has done so. The disqualification of Machado, and the threat to arrest Gonzalez is not something that is expected from a democratically elected government. There is no doubt that the United States is opposed to the Maduro government even as it was opposed to Maduro’s mentor and predecessor, the charismatic and populist Hugo Chavez. Venezuelans in general are not happy with the US predominance in the region, and when Washington supports the opposition in the country, the opposition falls into disrepute. But there is little doubt that Venezuelans are not happy with the Maduro government, that they want more freedoms and they want a better economy. So, the Venezuelan opposition has to keep the unwanted supporters from Washington at bay while fighting the ule of Maduro.

This is the dilemma of most central and south American countries. The widespread poverty and the economic woes of many of these countries make leftist populism and authoritarianism quite attractive. But soon the people discover leftist populism and authoritarianism do not help solve the economic problems of unemployment and poverty. And they are looking for democratic alternatives. It has not been easy for the people in central and south America. It is rarely that a leftist leader with a sense of pragmatism like Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva emerges, who plays the game of diplomacy deftly to build a policy framework which is opposed to the US desire to dominate the region.

Maduro, and his mentor, Chavez, failed to play the sophisticated power game. And Maduro/Chavez had also failed to address the real challenges facing the Venezuelans and the Venezuelan economy.  The political burden of the south American countries is two-fold. They have to maintain a credible democratic system, and they also have to manage their economic challenges well enough. Da Silva was imprisoned, he was disqualified and he had to fight his way back through the existing system. The people of Brazil were fed up with the right-wing politics of Jair Bolsonaro.

In Argentina, they elected the right-wing maverick Javier Milei. Venezuela it seems will have to pass through a turbulent passage of democracy with Maduro chasing his political opponents out of court as it were.