Iran builds up pressure on Biden over nuclear deal - GulfToday

Iran builds up pressure on Biden over nuclear deal

Michael Jansen

The author, a well-respected observer of Middle East affairs, has three books on the Arab-Israeli conflict.

COVID-19

Vials of Iranian domestic coronavirus disease (COVID-19) vaccine candidate are seen during human testing in Tehran, Iran. File/Reuters

Tehran has launched a first stage of trials of its own COVID vaccine in a bid to become self-sufficient in the battle against the virus which has infected 1.25 million and killed 55,000, making Iran the most contagious country in the region. The opening of the initial trial of a home-made vaccine coincided with US approval of the transfer of 200 million euros to purchase vaccines from abroad and a donation by anonmyous US citizens of 150,000 doses of the BioNtech vaccine, produced in Germany in collaboration with the US Pfizer firm. These welcome developments took place as the daily fatality rate in Iran fell to a three-month low due to strict lockdown and curfew.

The ongoing trial involves 56 volunteers who are set to receive two doses two weeks apart so scientists can test whether the vaccine is effective and safe before shifting to a wider sample. The vaccine is based on the traditional model of a weakened virus which is meant to trigger a person’s immune system to defeat infection. While this is the first local vaccine to reach human testing, at least eight Iranian firms and universities are working on vaccines to protect the country’s 80 million people. Unless Tehran is successful in vaccinating 75-80 per cent of its population, Iran will remain a major source of contagion in the Gulf, the entire region, and neighbouring countries. Aware that this is a serious global threat, Iran has been receiving scientific aid from either China or Russia, which have developed their own vaccines.

Iran is set to pay $244 million for imports of 16.8 million doses of vaccines from COVAX, the organisation established by the World Health Organisation, France and the European Union with the objective of ensuring reasonably fair distribution of vaccines to 184 signatories, including low-income countries which cannot finance supplies. The US, under the isolationist Trump administration, did not join COVAX. This may change with the advent of incoming President Joe Biden on January 20th.

Iran has suffered from increasing degrees of sanctions since the US first imposed sanctions in November 1979 in response to the seizure of the US embassy in Tehran after Washington permitted the shah, the ex-ruler of Iran, to enter the US for medical treatment. The most punitive rounds of sanctions have been added by Donald Trump after he withdrew in May 2018 from the 2015 agreement for dismantling 90 per cent of Iran’s nuclear programme in exchange for lifting international sanctions.

Trump’s reimposition of sanctions caused Iran’s economy to contract dramatically, exacerbating hardship for the populace.

Iran has responded to the challenges posed by Trump by enriching uranium to 4.5 per cent from the 3.67 per cent specified by the deal, building up its stockpile of enriched uranium beyond limits, and employing more advanced centrifuges to enrich uranium than allowed. To ratchet up pressure on Biden to make good on his pledge to promptly return to the nuclear agreement, Iran has told the International Atomic Energy Agency, which monitors compliance with the deal, that it plans to restart enrichment to 20 per cent, considered a major step towards the 90 per cent level needed to build weapons which Iran says it does not want. Tehran and Libya both ended covert efforts to build nuclear weapons in 2003 — after the US war on Iraq.

While Iran has not given a time frame for its latest move, Biden clearly has to act quickly and decisively by returning to US compliance and lifting sanctions imposed by Trump in violation of the deal. Since the US was first to breach it, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has made it clear that once Biden re-enters the deal, Iran will reciprocate by reversing its own violations. This can be achieved in a matter of weeks by exporting most of the accumulated enriched uranium and ware-housing advanced centrifuges.

Tehran’s decision to increase enrichment to the 20 per cent level coincides with Trump administration attempts to heighten tensions with Iran ahead of yesterday’s one year anniversary of the US assassination of Iranian Quds Force Commander Qassem Soleimani and nine others near Baghdad’s international airport. While promsing retribution “at the appropriate time,” Iran has refrained from mounting retaliatory attacks on US troops in Iraq and ordered pro-Iranian Iraqi Shia militias and Lebanon’s Hizbollah to hold their fire.

While the Pentagon has so far shown restraint, the erratic Trump remains commander-in-chief and cannot be trusted. Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif has warned that Trump may mount an attack on Iran before leaving the White House. He may want to go out with a grand display of pyrotechnics or have the desperate illusion that starting a war might enable him to stay in office. Who knows?

Meanwhile, local firms have been producing goods that Iran had imported. According to Iran’s central bank governor the country’s economy grew 1.3 per cent between March and mid-September last year due to increases in local manufacturing. However, it is not clear whether this growth is an increase from the low level to which the economy has fallen over the past two years or from the level it reached before Trump reinstated and ramped up sanctions. Iran’s non-oil gross revenues have soared 83 per cent over recent years while the oil sector has shrunk due to sanctions which limit exports.

The Wall Street Journal reports that 1,000 small and medium-size companies are “driving the growth of Iranian manufacturing (and have) created or reinstated 17,000 jobs,” decreasing unemployment. Furthermore, The WSJ writes that recently “Iran has gotten better at evading US sanctions on its crude oil exports” by offering discounts to those prepared to get round them. Asian countries, including China, have been buying increasing amounts of Iranian crude.

If Biden does not move expeditiously European countries opposed to Trump’s sanctions — particularly Britain, France and Germany which are signatories of the nuclear deal — could seriously, at long last, challenge the sanctions regime. This does not mean, however, there will be a rush by European governments and firms to invest in Iran similar to the scenario after sanctions were lifted in January 2016. Iran will have to provide attractive opportunities for external investment. Iran’s clerics, government, and parliament have to cut bureaucratic red tape and regulations before there will be large-scale foreign investment in the deteriorating oil sector and other large manufacturing industries which have suffered greatly from sanctions. Iran will also have to deal with the monopolies established by wealthy charitable foundations (bonyads) controlled by the clerics and key industries in the portfolios of the military — both of which dominate the economy.

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Majority of US voters support the deal with Iran

US presidential candidate Joe Biden promised to return to the 2015 agreement limiting Iran’s nuclear programme in exchange for lifting sanctions. Instead, President Biden sticks to the dangerous and destructive policy dictated by Donald Trump who withdrew from the deal in 2018 and slapped 1,500 punitive sanctions on Iran.

Biden hesitates although 54 per cent of registered US voters support a deal while only 20 per cent oppose; among Biden’s Democrats the number is 70 per cent backers and six per cent opponents; among independents 50 per cent support and 30 per cent do not; and 41 per cent of Republicans are in favour against 35 who are not.

Since Biden’s own positive rating is currently a low 41 per cent against 56 per cent negative rating, it would seem it would behove him to re-enter the deal. The main obstacle is Tehran’s insistence that the US must lift Trump’s designation of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard (IRG) as a “foreign terrorist organisation,” making the IRG the world’s sole national army to join a host of armed non-state actors.

The text, a somewhat amended version of the original document, has been ready for months and awaits finalisation. Why then is Biden procrastinating and prevaricating? He faces stiff opposition from domestic anti-Iran lobbyists and legislators and Israel where the government rejects the deal. In both countries military and intelligence experts are, however, in favour. They hold, correctly, that Tehran has made great strides in developing both nuclear expertise and output since Trump pulled out, prompting Iran to gradually reduce its adherence in retaliation.

Instead of being limited to 3.67 uranium enrichment Iran has 43 kilograms of 60 per cent enriched uranium: this is a few steps away from the 90 per cent needed for a bomb. Instead of having a 300 kilogram stockpile of 3.67 enriched uranium, Iran has a stock 18 times larger of uranium enriched above the 3.67 per cent level permitted. Instead of carrying out enrichment with old, approved centrifuges, Iran has employed advanced centrifuges.

Instead of abiding by the stringent monitoring regime put in place by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Iran has been slipping surveillance. Until Iran began to breach the regulatory regime, it was the toughest on earth.

Nevertheless, Iran has pledged to revert to the deal once the US re-enters and to halt enrichment above 3.67 per cent, export all but 300 kilogrammes of the permitted 3.67 per cent of material in its stockpile, revert to old centrifuges which have been warehoused, and re-engage fully with the IAEA monitoring effort.

Opponents of the deal argue its “sunset clauses” will expire by 2031, thereby ending restrictions on Iran’s nuclear activities. This may be addressed in the new deal.

However, they also contend it fails to curb in Iran’s ballistic missile programme and sup- port for Lebanon’s Hizbollah, Yemeni Houthi rebels, Iraqi Shia militias and the Syrian government.

Since these issues are outside the purview of the 2015 deal, Iran rightly rejects including them in its successor. Tehran has also made it clear that they can be discussed directly with the US once Biden re-joins the deal and sanctions are lifted.

After months of trying to get the external issues incorporated into the nuclear deal, the Biden administration conceded that this is impossible.

On April 29th this year, Secretary of State Antony Blinken told lawmakers that the Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” campaign had failed and “produced a more dangerous nuclear programme” while Iran stepped up involvement in regional affairs. These post-Ukraine war remarks suggested that the Biden administration was ready to return to the deal.

However, the administration continues to blow hot at one moment and cold another. Last week Washington may have blown up the deal. At the 35-member IAEA board of governors meeting in Vienna the US — along with acolytes Britain, France, and Germany — secured the adoption of a resolution critical of Iran over its inability or refusal to account for traces of nuclear material at three undeclared sites found by IAEA monitors in 2019 and 2020.

The resolution, which received 30 votes in favour — with Iran and Russia voting against and India, China and Libya abstaining — urges Iran to co-operate “without delay” with inspectors after IAEA director Rafael Grossi reported he had not received a “technically credible” explanation for the presence of particles.

Atomic Energy Organisation of Iran spokesman Behrouz Kamalvandi pointed out that uranium “contamination” was possible “in a country as vast as Iran.” He also suggested “human sabotage” by Israel which is blamed for repeated attacks on Iranian nuclear sites and assassinations of Iranian scientists.

Iranian officials are suspicious due to the fact that former Israeli Prime Minister Bin- yamin Netanyahu instigated visits by IAEA inspectors to one of the three contaminate sites at the village of Turquzabad near Tehran. IAEA monitors took soil samples and concluded that there were “traces of radioactive material” at the location which may have been used for storage as there were no signs of processing. How did Netanyahu know there were samples at this site?

Although the IAEA still has more than 40 cameras which will continue to operate at Iran’s enrichment facilities, Grossi stated Tehran’s action mounted to a “serious challenge.” He warned that in three or four weeks the agency would be unable to provide “continuity of knowledge” about Iran’s activities. “This could be a fatal blow” to negotiations over the nuclear deal, he stated.

He also warned that Iran is “just a few weeks” away from having enough enriched uranium to build a nuclear bomb. However, Iran halted work on weaponisation in 2003 and supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has repeatedly stated that Iran will not manufacture nuclear weapons as they are prohibited by Islam.

Kelsey Davenport of the “independent” Washington-based Arms Control Association told the BBC that in ten days or less Iran could transform its current stock of 60 per cent enriched uranium into the 90 per cent required for weapons. She said, however, that manufacturing bombs would require one or two years.

If Biden continues dithering the deal could die, further destabilising an already unstable region.

Michael Jansen, Political Correspondent

12 Jun 2022